A mother in a village served by the Eko/- finance system peeks past her house to look at the commotion we were causing. Once I began taking photos in the village, all of the children of the town rushed to us, this lady’s sons included.
Archives For microfinance
I spent the month of January this year in India, hopping around trying to learn as much as I can.
I spent a bit of time in Chennai with OfERR, one of Palmera Projects’ partner in Sri Lanka, to visit their head office and view some of their projects. I jumped over to Bangalore to visit my lovely friend Douglas and tail him to a few lectures in the National Law School in Bangalore (the “NLS”). Whilst there, I learned from Douglas a little bit about the fascinating world of Indian Constitutional Law, and I had the opportunity to interview a lovely professor about the impacts of the Indian Micro finance Bill, which I will be publishing on this site very soon. After that, it was off to New Dehli, where I met up with the people from Eko/- phone banking. I saw some of their projects and interviewed some of their people: I will be publishing a full write-up about their system as soon as I can.
Finally, I head to Hyderabad with some people from my university to participate in the UTS-ISB (University of Technology, Sydney and Indian School of Business) study tour. We had professors from throughout the uni deliver us hand-picked lectures, we went to whatever classes we thought sounded cool and we had visits at some of the premier businesses in India. This isn’t at all to mention the awesome people we met – our roommates, our classmates – and the awesome stuff we did outside of class – partying mainly. We headed to Goa to check out a new social venture called “Culture Aangan” – it was an amazing trip.
I am going to write-up a few articles about some of the most significant stuff I learned on my trip, but until then, here’s a little teaser: my India trip in photos.
This is a paper in response to the request for reflection on the effects of poverty in the developing world, and the policy solutions proposed that are in place, written for the UTS Economics elective “International Economics“. This paper discusses the effects of poverty on developing nations as well as critically analyse macroeconomic and other international policies that aim to reduce poverty.
Poverty is a problem that affects much of the world directly, and the entire world indirectly. Whilst the levels of poverty are reducing globally, much of this reduction is in China and India, where there is a growing middle class. In much of sub-Saharan Africa, poverty is widespread, and it doesn’t look like it is decreasing. This paper will describe the effects of poverty on the developing world (in Part 1), and describe international policy, economic and otherwise, which attempts to reduce poverty and its impacts (Part 2).
Part 1: Impact of poverty on the developing world
Poverty, where prevalent, is a troubling obstacle for governments and can hinder the growth and development of any society. In its worst form, poverty has had detrimental effects on regions such as Africa, Asia and Latin America. The World Bank (2008) found that while most of the developing world has managed to reduce poverty, the rate in sub-Saharan Africa (the world’s poorest region) has not changed in nearly 25 years. ‘In 2005, half of the population in sub-Saharan Africa was living below the poverty line (about 380 million people)’ (Wroughton 2008, para.12). Famine, high child mortality rates, vulnerability to diseases, lack of infrastructure, poor or non-existent health care and sanitation, malnutrition and corruption are just a few of the major problematic factors that developing nations have contended with due to poverty. These damaging effects have caused greater problems, affecting not just the African, Asian and South American continents, and the rest of the world.
One definition of poverty is the lack of basic essentials such as food and clean water. Many developing nations such as Ethiopia and Tonga rely on agriculture as their main source of income. However, land is scarce. The statistics of poverty on developing nations are discouraging. The lack of food has meant one in three Africans do not have enough food to eat, and for the majority of these people, chronic malnutrition is a life-threatening fact of everyday life.
‘In the Sudan, 90 of every 1000 children die by the age of 5. In Ethiopia the figure is 164 per 1000, compared with a norm of 4-6 per thousand in industrialized nations. For adults, lack of food and money means lack of health care, made even more dangerous by living conditions marked by lack of clean water and adequate sanitation’ (Adkins 2008, para.2)
Governments in developing nations have found it challenging to provide proper health facilities to its people. Inadequate infrastructure to support a public health system has intensified the pervasiveness of HIV/AIDS. ‘In 2002, one in four Africans was directly affected by the epidemic. It is estimated that 24.5million of the globally 34.3 million infected reside in region of Sub-Saharan Africa. Whiteside (2002) states that poverty increases the spread of HIV and AIDS which in turn further aggravates the growth in poverty – this is known as the AIDS/Poverty cycle; the increase in consumption needs due to higher medical costs depletes household assets; AIDS can push household incomes down by 80% and thus increase household poverty (pg.313). In Botswana, a report predicted that the country’s GDP growth would fall from 3.9% a year without AIDS to between 2% and 3.1% a year with AIDS’ (Whiteside, 2002, pg.323).
High Infant Mortality Rates
In a report released by the World Health Organisation (2011), newborn deaths decreased from 4.6 million in 1990 to 3.3 million in 2009. Interestingly, developing nations were found to have a disproportionately high level of child deaths (para.1). The research found that ‘99% of all newborn deaths occurred in developing countries. Countries such as India, Nigeria, Pakistan, China and the Democratic Republic of Congo accounted for more half of them. India alone has more than 900,000 newborn deaths per year, nearly 28% of the global total’ (ABC News 2011, para.4).
It is a well-known fact that poverty impacts psychological wellbeing. The World Health Organization (2003) states that ‘no group is immune to mental disorders; however the risk is higher among the poor, homeless and unemployed and uneducated’ (Rojas 2011, pg. 208). The feeling of vulnerability and insecurity has meant that those living in developing countries are under constant psychological stress. Income poverty has exposed many to the bottom of the social ladder, which unfortunately can be detrimental to a person’s self-esteem and for most of the children in Africa: education is limited.
‘On average, 62% of children in Africa do not complete primary school, and in 19 nations the figure is under 50 %. Literacy rates are low. […] As each generation grows up, the lack of education means another opportunity to break the cycle of poverty is lost. Those who do get good educations tend to leave Africa altogether, frustrated by the lack of opportunity to use their skills. Poverty means lack of the resources needed to lift oneself out of poverty’ (Adkins 2008, para.4).
Poor Public Health Infrastructure
Poverty has been a major cause for many vector borne diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis, cholera and typhoid. ‘Malaria is currently one of the most important public health problems of the developing world with around 2.5 million deaths occurring every year, mostly in children (McGuigan et al 2002, pg.12). Prepared by the World Health Organisation, the World Health Report (2008) critically assessed the methods health care was organised, delivered and financed in both the richest and poorest of countries around the world. The findings were both surprising and what was most striking were the inequalities and failures of health outcomes in the countries such as Afghanistan, Mozambique and Somalia. For example, ‘Swaziland is a country that has an average life expectancy of 39 years as opposed to Japan, of 80 years ’ (Schmidt 2010, para.3).
‘In the estimated 136 million women who gave birth in 2008, around 58 million would have received no medical assistance whatsoever during childbirth and the postpartum period. Annual government expenditure on health varied from as little as US$ 20 per person to well over US$ 6000. Globally, with the costs of health care rising and systems for financial protection in disarray, personal expenditures on health has pushed more than 100 million people below the poverty line each year’ (World Health Organisation 2008).
Food Security and Climate Change
The effects of food insecurity are well documented in the developing world. It is commonly accepted that a lack of nutrition at a very early age affects children’s height, intellectual development and hence; low productivity in adults. ‘Malnutrition also increases the susceptibility to infection and with more than 60% of households in North Ghana living below the national poverty line, households spend a much higher proportion of their income on food than households in the rest of the country’ (Cudjoe et al 2010, pg. 296). Thus, climate change will have a big impact as developing nations are more vulnerable to rising world food prices, which have particularly surged for grain products such as maize, a main food staple for countries such as North Ghana.
It is clear that the poor are particularly vulnerable to climate change and will suffer disproportionately from its impacts. For example, maize is a major staple crop and often forms the basis of food security in developing countries. This is clearly illustrated by the example of Mexico, where 70% of maize is grown on rain-fed land, by farmers who occupy less than 5 hectares. It is largely regarded as the “peasant crop” and has been repeatedly negatively affected by recent droughts (McGuigan et al 2002, pg.10). In many African countries, agriculture remains the principal economic activity, and agricultural products are the principal source of export trade. However, increased water stress is expected to affect from 75 million to 250 million Africans. Crop yields in some African countries are expected to drop by 50% and it is predicted that the impact on food security and malnutrition will be enormous (World Health Organisation 2008).
Thus, poverty affects the developing world dramatically: in the short term it cripples the population, and in the long term, it creates a cycle of a lack of infrastructure and education which makes it difficult to break out of.
Part 2 – Current policy initiatives to reduce world poverty
Poverty in the world today
It is important, when considering how to reduce poverty on a global scale, to note that there have been several success stories – some countries have broken out of the poverty cycle and transitioned into being “MDCs” –more developed countries. Countries as diverse as Ireland, South Korea, Japan and Taiwan have stepped out of absolute poverty into global economic powerhouses (Kinealy, 1995, 722, MacFarquhar et al., 1991, Kleiner, 2001, Maddison, 2003). However, there is still a large proportion of the world that lives in poverty, with (at 2005) an estimated 40% of the world’s population living on less than $2 USD PPP per day, and almost 90% of the world’s population living on less than $10 per day (IMF, 2010). Further, whilst countries like China and India have burgeoning middle classes, there are still many nations in the world that are not even on a track to reducing poverty, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Thus, it is important in evaluating the initiatives used today to observe their success or failure, obviously accounting for the differences in the nations they are applied to.
This section will critically analyse three areas of poverty-reduction policy: 1. Macroeconomic policies (Kemp and Kojima, 1985, Menzies, 2000, Menzies, 2008, Ben-David et al., 1999) 2. Other economic and social policies (Counts, 2008, Escalante, 2007, Kiva, 2011) 3. Legal policies to promote good governance (Minogue, 2008, Bardhan, 2006). Within the limitations of this paper, it is impossible to exhaustively analyze all poverty reduction frameworks, or even to list them. Thus, this paper will analyze several policy frames in each category through the lenses of feasibility and effectiveness.
Macroeconomic policy initiatives
Macroeconomic policy initiatives tend to look at poverty as a national or macroeconomic issue, and seek to improve national economic trends as a means to reducing poverty.
Tied aid is money given from a donor country to a beneficiary country under conditions, usually that the money be spent on goods from the donating country. More than 58% of international official aid is tied (OECD, 2006, Part 1), thus, the motivations behind and the costs of tying aid must be analyzed.
Kemp and Kojima (1985, p721) enunciate the paradox succinctly:
“International transfers necessarily harm the donor and benefit the recipient [… However, where] donors require that aid be spent in a manner not close to the preferences of the recipient […] there is the possibility that aid perversely leaves the donor better off.”
However, that is not to say that there are no reasons for tied aid to exist. The motivations of tied aid are primarily self-interested: that is, the donor country receives back some of the money, and is thus less affected by the donation. However, aid may be tied to further benefit the recipient economy whereby the recipient does not have the expertise to manage such funds. This may actually benefit the recipient, since, in essence, the beneficiary nation is receiving both aid and economic advice. Further, that a nation may “tie” its aid to stimulate its own exports: the USA offers many nations aid to fuel its own exports (primarily in the arms and infrastructure sectors (Hartung, 1999)). Thus, it may be seen to be positive since it stimulates aid where there might not be any, through incentives for the donor nation.
The efficacy of tied aid, and its benefits, are severely limited. When tied aid is given, there is no benefit of purchasing power parity (heretofore “PPP”) in the developing country: since it must buy from the donor country, it must pay the prices of the donor country. To give the example of Sri Lanka, 100 million dollars of aid would be worth more than 227 million dollars of aid tied to the USA (WolframAlpha, 2011). This is just taking into account PPP. Further, the donor country is receiving the “multiplier effect” of the cash injection: the beneficiary country spends money in the donor country, stimulating employment and consumption in the donor country rather than the beneficiary country. Thus, tied aid is significantly less effective to beneficiary nations and untied aid would prove more effective in reducing poverty (although it would be less politically popular).
The developing world currently owes more than 2.7 trillion USD in debts, this translates to $25 in debt repayment for each dollar of aid received by the developing world (Shah, 2010, WorldBank, 2008). Further, many of these countries cannot even service the interest on the debt, thus their debt continues to grow: this is referred to as irredeemable debt. Thus, reduction or restructuring of third world debt is paramount to reducing poverty, since highly indebted poor countries (HIPCs) spend their taxes on repayments, rather than infrastructure improvements domestically. Since 1956, the Paris Club has worked in rescheduling third world debt, but until the 1990’s, the net present value of the debt remained unaffected by these restructurings, instead of forgiving debt, the debt was just delayed (Menzies, 2000, p5).
However, since 1996 the Paris Club (alongside the IMF and the World Bank) have been restructuring loans, in a manner that reduces their net present value, on a case by case basis. For example, the Paris Club (in the 2000’s) wrote off all OECD debt to Iraq after the war and suspended Southeast Asian debt repayments after the Boxing Day Tsunami. Perhaps the Paris Club’s most significant achievement was its 2005 agreement with Nigeria which helped the country pay off $30 billion in debt (ParisClub, 2005b). This “ad-hoc” write-off of Nigeria’s national debt provides a clear view of the mechanics of debt forgiveness, the motivations behind it and its effects on creditor/debtor nations.
The agreement wrote off $18 billion of Nigeria’s debt, which would have otherwise been irredeemable. In exchange, Nigeria repaid the remaining $12 billion, and instituted some economic reform in line with the IMF’s suggestions. This write-off was funded by two different parties: firstly, the creditor nations agreed voluntarily to write off some of the debt; secondly, the Millennium Fund, and the HIPC trust fund agreed to compensate creditor nation’s write-offs, amounting to $6 billion (ParisClub, 2005a).
The creditor countries, as well as Nigeria, were pleased with this result for the following reasons. The creditor countries were allowed an exit from a loan that would have otherwise been redeemable, extracting $18 billion (after Nigeria’s repayment and the Paris Club’s compensation) from a $30 billion loan. Further, they were able to reform Nigeria’s economy somewhat, allowing the creditor nations greater access to Nigeria’s market. The debtor country, Nigeria, was able to offload its debt, allowing future governments greater flexibility in their budgeting and expenditure decisions.
Whilst there is the argument that writing off debts to poor countries would disincintivise loans to the third world, that the creditor nations are compensated in IMF and other funds (10 million ounces of gold were to be sold to fund debt relief by the G-7 (Menzies, 2000, p5)), and that the creditors may use this as a stimulus to reform the recipient economy shows that debt forgiveness may benefit the creditor nation too. Furthermore, it may be more effective than aid, since money that would otherwise have been transferred to the creditor nations would be invested by the debtor nation, where the multiplier effect would increase the benefit to the recipient nation. Thus, debt relief remains one of the more effective means of poverty reduction on a macroeconomic scale, and the HIPC and J2K models of debt forgiveness may, if followed through to completion, severely dent international poverty.
Where countries or economic blocs (most significantly, the European Union) protect domestic production via tariffs and subsidies and ask the IMF/World Bank to require developing nations to open up to free trade, there is a risk that trade would become unbalanced. Developed nations would be able to export inefficient subsidized goods, and developing nations would not be able to compete with tariffs. Winters (Ben-David et al., 1999, Part 3, p47) highlights the connection between trade policies, with unbalanced tariffs/subsidies affecting exchange rates and domestic prices in developing countries. A reduction in developed world tariffs/subsidies would allow developing countries a new market, potentially increasing their exports and, thus, their GDP’s.
However, it is a little bit more complicated when it comes to reducing the tariffs of a developing nation. Figure 1 shows the effect of opening up a developing country to trade: prices of the goods decrease (from Pe to P1), and the good becomes more affordable. This makes the good more accessible to the populace: consumption increases from Qe to Q2 (in the case of food, it would reduce hunger within the country).
However, domestic production decreases (from Qe to Q1). Thus, for the people manufacturing the good that is now imported (or imported more cheaply), most of whom are peasant farmers who are not able to compete with economies of scale, poverty will increase or persist because of unemployment, at least in the short term. Further, where a country produces a good efficiently, and the bulk of the goods are exported, the manufacturers of the exported good in the developing nation will receive more money in return for their goods, but domestic prices will rise, reducing consumption (this can be especially dangerous with regards to food).
Taiwan has shown the ability of a nation to benefit from trade (moving from agriculture to simply transformed manufactured goods to high value added manufactured goods whilst increasing the GDP per capita and HDI consistently), this movement to free trade must be done carefully so as not to shock the economy of the developing nation with increasing prices or decreasing incomes. This tariff reduction unlikely to occur however, since reduction in protectionism is extremely politically unpopular, especially in Europe and the United States, where agriculture is cultural and highly subsidised.
Other economic and social policies
Apart from macroeconomic tools, countries and NGO’s are also working on reducing poverty by acting on a microeconomic level. Some of the largest issues to developing nations are lack of infrastructure, education (the development of human capital), high transaction costs and social issues.
Whilst governments mostly fund the infrastructural work, often aid is given in the form of engineering/advisory services. This infrastructure (in the form of roads, electricity grids, clean water, etc.) is critical to the development of a nation: the development of such infrastructure fast-tracks the nation’s economic development (Counts, 2008).
The public and private sectors have worked together to improve education, and increased literacy and tertiary education within a nation leads directly to increased economic growth, since the resource “labor” is improved (Escalante, 2007). Further, education leads to increased participation amongst the women of a population (this effect is especially visible in Sri Lanka, where female participation is much higher than neighboring India, correlating with Sri Lanka’s more developed education system).
Transaction costs, lack of accessibility to credit/capital and social issues are all dealt with on a microeconomic level. Here, microfinance providers and social businesses work with NGO’s to provide sustainable funds to poverty-stricken areas, whilst maintaining the profit motive (and the dignity of the beneficiary), increasing the effectiveness of the funds (Kiva, 2011). Further, global and national for-profit organizations, including banks, are working to reduce transaction costs, making banking, saving and loans more accessible to poor persons in developing nations (Mukherjee, 2008).
Whilst these microeconomic/social methods of poverty reduction have huge returns, they are also extremely skill and labor intensive: requiring professionals to audit/oversee their implementation. Potentially, however, the profit motive, especially in microfinance, may stimulate skilled labor/first-world non-humanitarian interest in these methods of poverty reduction.
Legal policies to promote good governance
Without good governance, namely in the form of positive regulatory governance and a lack of corruption, (which can only be secured by an effective political and judicial system), any economic growth is stunted (Minogue, 2008, Bardhan, 2006). In Indonesia and the Philippines alone, their leaders (in the second half of the 1900’s) embezzled more than 25 billion USD. This does not account, at all, for the costs of corruption on a microeconomic scale. Whilst it is outside of the scope of this paper to discuss the manner in which regime change or judicial reform may be implemented, they remain highly effective methods of reducing poverty and increasing the quality of life of the citizens of poor nations: a most effective building block to development (Grindle, 2002).
Poverty continues to very much affect the developing world, causing deaths in the millions from starvation and disease. Eliminating poverty may be impossible in the short term, but its effects on the people of developing nations may be reduced, especially when a concerted threefold approach (macro – especially trade and debt relief, macro and legal) is taken to poverty reduction. Whilst it is plain that this will aid the developing world, it may, too, economically benefit the donors, the creditors forgiving debt and those investors who are game enough to invest in developing countries. By reducing poverty, new markets open up to first-world companies, new labor pools, new ideas and thinkers. Whilst the short-term effects of poverty reduction may be relative harm to the donors, the long term benefits to the world at large starkly outweigh these costs.
In my university break (July 2011) I went to Sri Lanka. With the help of Palmera Projects I was able to volunteer my time with a local charitable organisation called OfERR (Ceylon). During my stay in Sri Lanka, I volunteered in the head office in Colombo, where I applied wrote a report on how the charity might use social media to increase exposure and interact more with interested persons. Then, my sister came to visit from Germany, and we toured around the country, visiting Trincomalee, Jaffna, Sigiriya and Kandy, taking in as much of the country as possible. After my sister left, I went to the Trincomalee field office to get as much information about the projects there as possible, focusing on the rice mill, which Palmera is currently seeking to replicate in Mannar. Finally, I made it to Mannar to see the site of the proposed rice mill, and met the people from the village (including the priest, the government officer and the potential beneficiaries of the project).
Meeting Mr. Chandrahasan, working on OfERR’s web-presence in their Sri Lanka Head-Office
Before my trip, I had read “The Cage” by Gordon Weiss to get a little bit of context about the country I was coming to. To say that the book was eye-opening, as well as horrific, is an understatement. I came to Sri Lanka expecting desolation and hopelessness. What I found was something else entirely.
Hours after I arrived in Colombo, definitely before I checked in to the hotel, I was able to meet with Mr. Chandrahasan, the son of a major Tamil politician, the founder of OfERR and quite possible one of the most inspirational people I have ever met. Within minutes, he had interviewed me and ascertained my skills (photography, economics, general nerdiness) and had told me what I can do to help. He reminded me that the reality in The Cage was real, but what the displaced persons were doing now was searching for hope, not pity, and that it was our job to empower them and to allow them to grow, to recover. This was to be a recurring theme in my trip, a hopefulness beyond anything I had ever seen.
I spent the rest of the week working with the head-office trying to work out how the charity worked (it seemed more like a family than any other type of organisation), figuring out how the Trincomalee rice mill was going, and how progress is going on the Mannar rice mill. Further, I wrote a little report about how OfERR could use the web to their advantage (I am pleased to say that my recommendations are being implemented, with OfERR already having a Twitter and a Flickr account to help show the world what they do).
My sister’s visit
Travelling around Sri Lanka: to Trincomalee, Jaffna, Sigiriya and Kandy
Although my trip was mostly a volunteering trip, I did traipse around the country as a tourist with my sister: snorkelling in Trincomalee, climbing Sigiriya rock, exploring markets and temples in Kandy and playing with baby elephants in a cute temple we found in Colombo.
We did go one place where tourists don’t usually go: Jaffna. After a 10 hour bus ride (not a coach, a dodgy, doors/windows open crowded bus) and a 20 something minute interview with the Ministry of Defense (I think the captain was just practicing his English, he was chatting to me about the fruit he grew in his garden whilst the bus was waiting) we made it to Jaffna. Awesome food! There is this stuff called “cool” which is this delicious and spicy seafood concoction which I definitely recommend. We went to the giant, magnificent and colourful temple. But the most special thing we did, in my opinion, was visit Mr Chandrahasan’s father’s home. After thirty years, his land was returned to his family, and now the land was being rebuilt. It was very inspiring.
Trincomalee with OfERR (Ceylon)
After my sister left, I went back to Trincomalee to more closely look at the projects that OfERR was involved with. I saw livelihood projects like the Batik Dyeing Centre which employed young girls who would otherwise have no jobs. I saw a weaving vocational training program. I saw so many projects that everywhere I looked I saw smiles, and hope. I saw schools that were filled with smiling children, I saw OfERR’s documentation program get documents to displaced persons, to allow them to work legally and to get their children educated.
Sadly, I also saw some IDP (internally displaced persons) camps, specifically, four camps in the area south of Trincomalee. This camps were filled with people struggling to find employment, and reliant on WFP food handouts. There were people my age, there, there were people younger.
One of the most inspirational things I saw on my trip, however, was the rice mill in Trincomalee and the attached savings clubs. With OfERR’s help (in Trincomalee, and with Palmera’s help in Mannar) a rice mill was established, and was run by women — mostly widows. The mill reduced costs for those who made money through paddy cultivation, saved time for people in the community (who would otherwise have to carry rice to a town almost 10 km away, and spend the day milling their rice) and provide a source of income for the women in the community (both for charging for milling, and from selling the husk and bran by-products of the milling process).
In the first year, the mill broke even, by the second year, because of decreasing repair costs they made a profit. This profit was enough for them to purchase a rice flour grinder, a chilli grinder and packaging equipment: all of which add value and revenue to the milling facility, and all of which are a testament to the entrepreneurial spirit of the women who run the mill.
The women all had home gardens. Within two years of moving back into the land they had been displaced from, each family had a lush garden which provided them with enough food for the year. Each family had cows, chickens and goats, where two years ago there were only 8 cows in the whole village (of more than 40 families). The savings clubs (where each woman saves 20-100 rupees a month) allowed the families to take out loans to buy paddy seed, to rent paddy land, to buy sewing machines and to supplement their livelihood through entrauprenership: the empowerment that Mr. Chandrahasan spoke of was evident: this was definitely a model to be emulated.
Meeting the villagers and prospective benificiaries of the Palmera rice-mill project
A massive bus journey over bumpy non-roads, and a couple of checkpoints later, I was in Mannar. The villages surrounding this city were only recently resettled, and the conditions were much worse than in Trincomalee. Young people complained of only being able to work 4-6 days a month, there was no electricity or running water, this area was in need.
Again, Sri Lanka managed to surprise me: where I expected these conditions to bear down on the spirit of the affected persons, and where I expected these conditions to compromise the quality of life of the people, especially the children, I was wrong. The people there were optimistic. The children were schooled (there was even pre schooling facilities). When I spoke to the villagers about the rice mill, they showed the same entrepreneurial spark: they spoke of ideas for the future: grinding herbs, storing paddy and chilling milk. It was absolutely inspiring to be sitting on the floor in front of the church with people with such hope. For the first time in years, they had there land back, and they were all so hopeful for the future.
I would like to thank Palmera Projects and OfERR (Ceylon) for the most wonderful opportunity. I hope to be back in Sri Lanka as soon as possible to continue my work (December!). For more photos, check out my two Flickr sets from my trip: Part 1 and Part 2.